Russia Will React Accordingly to ATACMS Strike, Says Foreign Minister Lavrov
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О неподтверждённом решении по ударам «вглубь России» и утвержденном Президентом России решении по ядерной политике России.
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После того как пыль, поднятая западными газетами, чуть осела, очевидно, что, несмотря на явный пропагандистский замысел публикаций, у происходящего могут быть весьма серьёзные последствия.
1. Не столь важно, кто и когда принял решение об использовании тактических баллистических и крылатых ракет большой дальности стран НАТО «вглубь территории» России. Тем более что попытки их применения по нашей стране уже были.
2. Не столь важно, сколько их у противника сегодня. Как и то, что их применение, по мнению наших врагов, должно иметь не только военный, но и информационный эффект.
3. Не столь важно, что эти ракеты не смогут внести существенного вклада в военные действия врага.
4. Не столь важно, что такими решениями нынешняя администрация США сознательно создаёт такую эскалацию конфликта, с которой придётся разбираться уже команде Трампа.
5. Важно одно – то, о чём сказал Глава российского государства 12.09. И как результат - сегодня утверждена новая версия Основ госполитики в области ядерного сдерживания. Использование ракет альянса подобным образом теперь можно квалифицировать как нападение стран блока на Россию. В этом случае возникает право нанести ответный удар оружием массового поражения по Киеву и основным объектам НАТО, где бы они ни находились. И это уже WWIII.
Может, старик Байден и вправду решил красиво уйти из жизни, забрав с собой значительную часть человечества…
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Ukraine uses U.S.-made ATACMS missiles inside Russia for the first time
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Первый официальный комментарий РФ по поводу информации о том, что Украина уже нанесла удар дальнобойными ракетами по Брянской области.
Глава МИД РФ Лавров озвучил следующие тезисы:
1. «Удары по Брянской области ракетами ATACMS - сигнал, что Запад хочет эскалации».
2. Лавров сказал, что не может точно подтвердить сведения, что США приняли решение по ударам дальнобойными ракетами по территории РФ.
3. Лавров надеется, что на Западе «прочитают обновленную ядерную доктрину РФ во всей ее полноте».
4. Лавров назвал ответственной позицию Шольца по отказу поставлять Киеву ракеты Taurus и наносить удары по РФ.
Напомним, о том, что ВСУ уже нанесли удары «дальнобоем» по территории России сообщили украинские СМИ со ссылкой на свои источники. Затем об этом заявило минобороны РФ. Украина официально удар не подтверждала.
Источник.
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ООН призывает защитить гражданское население из-за разрешения США на удары ракетами ATACMS по территории РФ.
"Все стороны должны обеспечить безопасность и защиту гражданских лиц, где бы они ни находились", - заявил спикер генсека Стефан Дюжаррик на брифинге.
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Ядерная угроза для Украины после заявлений Кремля.
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В связи с тем, что Кремль сегодня заявил, что удары по РФ дальнобойными ракетами могут повлечь за собой ядерный ответ России, мы приводим отрывок из данного текста, касающийся сценария, если по Украине будет нанесен ядерный удар:
«Еще один радикальный сценарий – ядерный удар по Украине. О нем говорят уже давно. В том числе, и Байден. Однако, к счастью, до сих «ядерка» не применялась. При этом, в информполе Украины распространено крайне легкомысленное отношение к такой перспективе. Часто можно встретить точку зрения, что ядерный удар по Украине никак не повлияет на ход войны, зато отправит Россию в международную изоляцию и принудит, по итогу, Москву к капитуляции.
Однако, в реальности, ядерный удар – один из самых страшных сценариев для Украины.
Никто не может гарантировать, что реакция мирового сообщества будет действительно жесткой. В СМИ, правда, появлялись неподтвержденные данные, что США угрожали Москве уничтожением флота, в случае ядерного удара по Украине. Однако это (как и любой другой вариант военного ответа Запада), означало бы вступление НАТО в войну с Россией и, с высокой вероятностью, привело бы к использованию РФ ядерного оружия (обычным оружием Россия Альянсу противостоять не сможет). Будет ли НАТО так рисковать из-за Украины - вопрос открытый.
Китай и другие страны Глобального юга неоднократно выступали против применения ядерного оружия. Но какой будет их реакция, если Кремль его применит - точно неизвестно. Разорвут ли они все отношения с РФ, что обрушит ее экономику? Либо побоятся загонять Путина в угол, чтоб самим не получить ядерный удар?
На все эти вопросы нет однозначного ответа.
А если со стороны мирового сообщества, после первого ядерного удара, не будет уничтожающей для РФ «ответки», то далее перед Украиной будет развилка всего лишь из двух вариантов.
Первый - прекратить сопротивление и капитулировать. Причем речь, в данном случае, будет идти уже не о согласии с потерей части территории через остановку войны по линии фронта («корейский сценарий»), что в Украине часто называют «капитуляцией», хотя капитуляцией «корейский сценарий» не является - страна сохраняет суверенитет, армию, контроль над большей частью своей территории. А речь будет идти о капитуляции в прямом смысле слова - с оккупацией всей территории страны российской армией, роспуске ВСУ, назначением Москвой новых руководителей Украины и т.д. Как было с Японией в 1945 году после ядерных ударов по Хиросиме и Нагасаки.
Второй вариант - в случае отказа от капитуляции могут быть новые серии ядерных ударов по Украине. Если Кремль не получит жесткой «ответки» от международного сообщества после первого удара, то вряд ли его что-либо остановит от нанесения новых ударов, которые, рано или поздно, лишат Украину возможности продолжать сопротивление.
Если же «ответка» мира будет действительно жесткой, что поставит Россию на грань разгрома, то это может привести к глобальной ядерной войне.
Все эти сценарии настолько ужасны, что по поводу них хочется сказать только одно – такого не может быть, потому что не может быть никогда. Однако, после вторжения РФ в 2022 году, в вероятность которого тоже мало кто верил, эта формула уже не работает. Оно показало, что, к сожалению, реальны даже самые страшные варианты.
Тем более, что и в Украине, и на Западе, и в России очень сильны позиции «партии войны». В Киеве и в Вашингтоне она говорит, что не нужно боятся поднимать ставки, так как РФ не решится применить ядерное оружие и, в конце концов, «сольется». В Москве она говорит, что не нужно боятся применить ядерное оружие или выдвигать ультиматум с угрозой его применения, потому что Запад не решится на жесткий ответ и, в конце концов, «сольется». Но, по итогу, расчеты партий войны по обе стороны линии фронта могут оказаться ошибочными и ситуация выйдет из под контроля. Гарантировано избежать худшего развития событий можно только одним способом – как можно скорее остановить войну в Украине».
European nations denounce Russian hybrid attacks, cable cut probes launched
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VILNIUS/WARSAW, Nov 19 (Reuters) - European governments accused Russia on Tuesday of escalating hybrid attacks on Ukraine's Western allies, as Baltic nations investigated whether the cutting of two fibre-optic telecommunication cables in the Baltic Sea was sabotage.
European officials have not directly accused Russia of destroying the cables. But Germany, Poland and others said it was likely an act of sabotage, while Lithuania's armed forces boosted surveillance of its waters in response.
"Moscow's escalating hybrid activities against NATO and EU countries are also unprecedented in their variety and scale, creating significant security risks," the foreign ministers of France, Germany, Italy, Poland and Britain said in a joint statement.
The strongly worded declaration came as European countries probed the complete severing this week of the Baltic cables, one linking Finland and Germany, the other connecting Sweden to Lithuania, recalling previous incidents in the busy waterway.
"If Russia does not stop committing acts of sabotage in Europe, Warsaw will close the rest of its consulates in Poland," Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski said on Tuesday after several European foreign ministers met in the Polish capital.
German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius struck a similar chord at separate talks in Brussels: "No one believes that these cables were cut accidentally."
"We also have to assume, without knowing it yet, that it is sabotage," Pistorius added.
The Swedish Prosecution Authority said it had launched a preliminary criminal investigation into the breached cables, which pass through Sweden's exclusive economic zone in the Baltic Sea, on suspicion of possible sabotage.
Swedish Civil Defence Minister Carl-Oskar Bohlin later told broadcaster TV4 that the country's armed forces and coastguard had picked up ship movements that corresponded with the interruption of two telecoms cables in the Baltic Sea.
Finland's National Bureau of Investigation said it had also launched an investigation into the broken subsea cable.
In the most prominent Baltic sabotage case, the Nord Stream gas pipeline was destroyed in September 2022, seven months after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, hastening Europe's switch to other energy suppliers.
No one has taken responsibility for those blasts. While some Western officials initially blamed Moscow - an interpretation dismissed as "idiotic" by the Kremlin - U.S. and German media have reported that pro-Ukrainian actors may have played a role.
Regional NATO members are jointly assessing events surrounding the latest cable cuts, a spokesperson for the Lithuanian armed forces said.
The companies that own the two cables both said it was not yet clear what had caused the outages.
"It's not a partial damage, it's full damage," said a spokesperson for Arelion, owner and operator of the cable linking Lithuania and Sweden. The company later said it had filed a police report.
Cinia, owner of the cable linking Finland and Germany, said it was not possible to say what might have caused the breach until repairs had started. The company has said repairs of this nature typically take 5-15 days.
Dutch Defence Minister Ruben Brekelmans said he had no specific information about who was to blame, adding: "We see increasing activity of especially Russia on our seas, aimed at espionage and possibly even sabotage of our vital infrastructure."
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Germany suspects sabotage behind severing of critical undersea cables
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Germany’s defense minister told reporters in Brussels that the severing of two communication cables in the Baltic Sea was likely sabotage. One of the cables connected Finland and Germany; it is the latest incident in a series of incidents involving undersea cables in the body of water.
“No one believes that these cables were cut accidentally,” Boris Pistorius said, adding that it was not clear “specifically who it came from.”
The Finnish firm responsible for the cable believes that it was likely severed “by an outside force.”
Finnish officials have launched an investigation into the incident, while Sweden is looking into the severing of a cable connecting to Lithuania.
In September, US officials warned that Russia had increased its military activity around undersea cables, including in the Baltic Sea. Meanwhile, NATO has ramped up its protection over the maritime infrastructure that transports much of Europe’s energy supply and undergirds global internet traffic.
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С интересом и понятными ожиданиями, Dimitriy.
For Russia, Nuclear Weapons Are the Ultimate Bargaining Chip
The Ukraine war has not only shattered millions of lives and shaken Europe. It also has inured Washington to the use of nuclear threats as leverage.
On the 1,000th day of the war in Ukraine, President Volodymyr Zelensky took advantage of Washington’s new willingness to allow long-range missiles to be shot deep into Russia. Until this weekend, President Biden had declined to allow such strikes using American weapons, out of fear they could prompt World War III.
On the same day, Russia formally announced a new nuclear doctrine that it had signaled two months ago, declaring for the first time that it would use nuclear weapons not only in response to an attack that threatened its survival, but also in response to any attack that posed a “critical threat” to its sovereignty and territorial integrity — a situation very similar to what was playing out in the Kursk region, as American-made ballistic missiles struck Russian weapons arsenals.
And there was another wrinkle to Russia’s guidelines for nuclear use: For the first time, it declared the right to use nuclear weapons against a state that only possesses conventional arms — if it is backed by a nuclear power. Ukraine, backed by the United States, Britain and France — three of the five original nuclear-armed states — seems to be the country Russia’s president, Vladimir V. Putin, had in mind.
Yet it was telling that the reaction in Washington on Tuesday was just short of a yawn. Officials dismissed the doctrine as the nothingburger of nuclear threats. Instead, the city was rife with speculation over who would prevail as Treasury secretary, or whether Matt Gaetz, a former congressman surrounded by sex-and-drug allegations though never charged, could survive the confirmation process to become attorney general.
The Ukraine war has changed many things: It has ended hundreds of thousands of lives and shattered millions, it has shaken Europe, and it has deepened the enmity between Russia and the United States. But it has also inured Washington and the world to the renewed use of nuclear weapons as the ultimate bargaining chip. The idea that one of the nine countries now in possession of nuclear weapons — with Iran on the threshold of becoming the tenth — might press the button is more likely to evoke shrugs than a convening of the United Nations Security Council.
“This is a signaling exercise, trying to scare audiences in Europe — and to a lesser extent, the United States — into falling off support for Ukraine,” said Matthew Bunn, a Harvard professor who has tracked nuclear risks for decades. “The actual short-term probability of Russian nuclear use hasn’t increased. The long-term probability of nuclear war has probably increased slightly — because U.S. willingness to support strikes deep into Russia is reinforcing Putin’s hatred and fear of the West, and will likely provoke Russian responses that will increase Western fear and hatred of Russia.”
Mr. Biden’s decision to allow the Ukrainians to use the long-range missiles, known as Army Tactical Missile Systems, or ATACMS, was a major change in U.S. policy.
President-elect Donald J. Trump, who will be inaugurated in about nine weeks, has promised to limit U.S. support for Ukraine while boasting during the campaign that he will end the war “in 24 hours.” For Mr. Putin, the new nuclear doctrine is the latest of several attempts to turn the world’s largest nuclear arsenal into something the world might actually fear again, giving him the global influence that his gas-and-war-economy so far cannot.
In a statement from the National Security Council, the Biden administration condemned the new doctrine but showed no sense of alarm. There was no change in Russia’s nuclear posture, the statement noted, and thus no need for a change in the United States’ alert levels. The underlying sense was that it was all words, that Mr. Putin was trying to create for himself new justifications to threaten nuclear use. And none of the restraints on him had changed.
“Regardless of the threshold he may try to set, Putin’s decision to employ a nonstrategic nuclear weapon any place, at any time, on any scale would still be met with severe consequences, as President Biden has repeatedly noted,” said Vipin Narang, an M.I.T. professor and nuclear expert who recently returned from a two-year assignment at the Pentagon. There he worked on the new, largely classified “nuclear employment guidance” for the United States — one that focuses more on China’s growing arsenal, and its partnership with Russia.
“Putin would still have to account for U.S. and global responses and escalation management,” Mr. Narang noted. “Even with these revisions to Russian doctrine, I’m still very confident that U.S. and NATO conventional and nuclear posture are capable of deterring Russian nuclear employment, and restoring deterrence should Putin miscalculate.”
The chance of that miscalculation seems low: Mr. Putin has been cautious throughout the war about launching any overt attack on NATO nations, which he wants to keep out of the war. And the United States has been fearful at times that he might actually detonate a nuclear weapon — notably in October 2022, when American intelligence officials picked up conversations among Russian generals that prompted fears that Mr. Putin would use a battlefield nuclear weapon against a Ukrainian military base or other target.
Mr. Biden told attendees at a New York fund-raiser at that time that the United States was closer to a nuclear exchange than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis, terrifying some in the room. But in the end, it did not materialize. And as Mr. Narang notes, “a nuclear threshold is not determined by words, but by the deterrence balance and stakes, and changes to declaratory doctrine do not at all change the deterrence balance between the U.S., NATO and Russia.”
Nonetheless, this was not the world that Western leaders envisioned for the mid-2020s. The post-Cold War era began with the dismantling of Russian and American weapons at a fierce pace. When the Soviet Union collapsed, Ukraine turned over thousands of atomic weapons in exchange for security guarantees from Russia, the United States and other countries. Many Ukrainians regret that to this day. Warheads were blended down into fuel for nuclear power, shipped to the United States, and for years lit and heated houses across the United States.
Only 15 years ago, President Barack Obama envisioned a world without nuclear weapons, even if that moment did not come in his lifetime. And he downgraded their importance in American strategy.
Those days are over. Mr. Putin, to show he has new reach, has placed nuclear weapons in Belarus. Soon he will face no limits on his most powerful nuclear weapons, the intercontinental ballistic missiles that can reach the United States: In 15 months the last treaty that limits the number of such strategic weapons Washington and Moscow can deploy — called “New Start” — expires, and there is little chance that it will be replaced.
Already there is talk, among Democrats and Republicans, of the need to expand America’s arsenal to account for the new Russia-China partnership, and the possibility they could use their weapons in concert.
The real message of Mr. Putin’s revised strategy is not that nuclear weapons are back, but that they never went away.
A Nostalgic Biden Fades Out of the Picture in Talks With World Leaders
As he made his final appearance at global gatherings, including at the Group of 20 summit in Brazil, President Biden lobbied for his foreign policy goals even as leaders shifted attention away from him.
President Biden and Brazil’s president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, met on Tuesday during a working lunch at the Group of 20 summit in Rio de Janeiro.Credit...Eric Lee/The New York Times
World leaders at the Museum of Modern Art in Rio de Janeiro were discussing plans to confront poverty and war when President Biden acknowledged the obvious — this was most likely his last time attending such an elite meeting.
“This is my last G20 summit,” Mr. Biden said on Monday. “We’ve made progress together, but I urge you to keep going — and I’m sure you will, regardless of my urging or not.”
Mr. Biden appeared to be right — the presidents and prime ministers who had gathered in Brazil for talks on Monday and Tuesday at the Group of 20 summit were ready to move on without him.
In some cases, literally.
Hours later, as leaders gathered under the backdrop of Rio’s Sugarloaf Mountain to commemorate the summit, Mr. Biden was chatting with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of Canada near a palm tree.
Other leaders were smiling and waving to cameras for the customary “family photograph.” By the time Mr. Biden made it over to a platform for the photograph, the leaders were already on their way out.
The president was not in the group portrait.
The final summit of Mr. Biden’s presidency was one of his last opportunities to lobby for his vision of the world, even as many world leaders shift their attention to the incoming administration of President-elect Donald J. Trump.
World leaders at the G20 summit in Rio de Janeiro gathered for a group photo. Mr. Biden was not in the initial photo.Credit...Eric Lee/The New York Times
He had been both nostalgic and reflective with allies and rivals, while remaining just a few steps behind his peers as he embraced his final days in the global spotlight.
The photograph snafu, which White House officials attributed to logistical issues, was not the first time Mr. Biden was running late.
During the first leg of his Latin America tour, at an Asia-Pacific economic meeting in Lima, Peru, Mr. Biden left other leaders who had gathered on a stage waiting for five awkward minutes. Those already there kept glancing around to see if the American president was going to join them.
By the time he settled into his spot in a back corner, sandwiched between the leaders of Thailand and Vietnam, Mr. Biden appeared to embrace the moment.
He slowly looked from side to side before exchanging a playful shrug with the prime minister of Malaysia.
It was Xi Jinping, the president of China and one of Mr. Biden’s chief global rivals, who commanded the position in front and at the center of the stage next to the summit’s host, President Dina Boluarte of Peru. (The placement of guest leaders was in alphabetical order by country.)
One of the more high-stakes moments of Mr. Biden’s trip was a meeting on Saturday with Mr. Xi at the hotel where the Chinese leader was staying.
It was also the only time at either summit that a president who has a history of verbal miscues and has largely avoided news interviews answered any questions. Asked how he would work with China to handle North Korea, Mr. Biden simply said, “Peacefully.”
When a reporter shouted questions about Mr. Trump, Mr. Biden turned his back and walked with Mr. Xi into their meeting.
As they sat across from each other, Mr. Biden and Mr. Xi shared a moment of levity.
“Can you put on your earpiece?” Mr. Xi told his counterpart. “We have simultaneous interpreting.”
“I’ve learned to speak Chinese,” Mr. Biden joked, adding, “Wish I did.”
They then proceeded with their discussion on matters of great importance, including Taiwan and the contested South China Sea, as well as the growing economic competition between the two superpowers.
But they also paused to reminisce.
Mr. Biden signed a proclamation designating Nov. 17 as “International Conservation Day” when he visited Manaus, a Brazilian city in the Amazon. Credit...Eric Lee/The New York Times
When their meeting ended, they set aside their notes, Jake Sullivan, the U.S. national security adviser, told reporters later.
They then reflected, Mr. Sullivan said, on “the fact that they’ve known each other for quite a long time now, that they have worked together closely, that they obviously haven’t always seen eye to eye, but they’ve always been straight with one another.”
Mr. Biden appeared more relaxed a day later, on Sunday, when he landed in Manaus, in the Brazilian Amazon, under a scorching sun, wearing bluejeans, a navy shirt and aviator glasses.
After climbing aboard the presidential helicopter, Marine One, he flew over the Rio Negro and the murky brown waters of the Amazon River.
Joined by his daughter, Ashley, and his granddaughter, Natalie, Mr. Biden was greeted with a traditional Indigenous ceremony. Three Indigenous leaders held maracas filled with seeds native to the rainforest and shook them to the rhythm of an ancestral chant.
Mr. Biden then went on a brief exploration in the forest, walking over ant hills before delivering a speech on the importance of combating climate change.
“It’s true that some may seek to deny or delay the clean energy revolution that’s underway in America,” Mr. Biden said. “But nobody — nobody — can reverse. Nobody.”
Back in Rio on Tuesday, world leaders gathered for another group photo — this time ensuring that Mr. Biden would be in the picture.
Asked why the leaders had not waited for Mr. Biden the first time, Paulo Pimenta, Brazil’s minister of communications, said Brazilians prioritized punctuality.
“When it’s time, it’s time,” Mr. Pimenta said on Tuesday.
Mr. Biden took part in one more meeting on climate change on Tuesday, pleading with leaders to take the crisis seriously.
“History is watching us,” said Mr. Biden, who turns 82 on Wednesday. “I urge us to keep the faith and keep going.”
“I have much more to say,” he said, before reconsidering. “I’m not going to.”
P.S.
А.п. напоминает Уважаемым коллегам, что в связи с тем, что провайдер села обитания а.п., принял решение улучшить качество своей работы(что само по себе обнадёживает), начиная с 14 ноября сего года, все публикации а.п. (в разделах «примечания и дополнения», «фанаты и жизнь», «варвар и еретик», и «дураки и дороги»), будут происходить нерегулярно, случайным, можно даже сказать, возможным образом.
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С интересом и понятными ожиданиями, Dimitriy.
А.п. просит Уважаемых коллег не забывать, что подобные рекламные посольские акции, не имеют ничего общего с реальным беспокойством государств за жизнь своих подданных, являясь инструментом ведения всё той же гибридной войны другими средствами.
Вот, Сикорский, все понимает...
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Единственное посольство, объявление которого действительно вызовет мощную реакцию во всем мире и возымеет реальные практические действия, это подобное же сообщение посольства России в США, о возможном ударе по Вашингтону
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13.54.
Казахстан рекомендует своим гражданам рассмотреть возможность выезда с территории Украины в целях безопасности, сообщает @sputnikKZ со ссылкой на посольство страны.
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Американская разведка считает, что Москва может нанести беспрецедентный ракетный удар по Украине и Киеву в ближайшие 48 часов.
В Киеве уже закрыты посольства США, Великобритании, Испании, Италии, Греции.
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9.50.
В Украине прокомментировали предупреждения посольства США о масштабом ударе сегодня, 20 ноября.
В СНБО дали понять, что обстрел возможен.
«Напомним, что россияне делали запасы ракет на серию обстрелов Украины в течение месяцев. Это касается ракет Х-101, которые они продолжают производить, а также «калибров» и баллистики.
Для обстрелов в России готова авиация и запасы ракет на аэродромах стратегической авиации, а также складах. Ранее это уже сообщали.
Соответственно, это нужно понимать и всегда помнить, структурам продумывать меры безопасности, людям – реагировать на тревоги», - заявил спикер «Центра по противодействию дезинформации» при СНБО Коваленко.
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С интересом и понятными ожиданиями, Dimitriy.
На фоне заявлений посольства США о готовящемся по Украине ударе, украинские паблики начали массово писать, что ударить могут новой российской ракетой
.
Заявляется, что речь об экспериментальной межконтинентальной баллистической ракете Р-26, способной бить на шесть тысяч километров и нести ядерную боеголовку. Якобы удар - без ядерной части - будет наноситься из Астрахани.
Отметим, что эти данные не имеют источника и практически без изменений публикуются по различным телеграм-каналам.
То есть, каких-либо подтверждений эти сведения пока не имеют.
Р-26 - это проектируемая российская ракета нового поколения. Судя по открытым данным, комплекс пока находится в разработке и на вооружение не принимался.
Отметим, что слухи о запуске Р-26 начали курсировать после удара Украины американскими ракетами ATACMS по Брянской области.
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U.S. Closes Its Kyiv Embassy, Warning of ‘Significant Air Attack’
The unusual alert came a day after Ukraine used American-made ballistic missiles to strike Russian territory for the first time.
Searchlights in Kyiv, Ukraine’s capital, during a Russian drone strike early Wednesday.Credit...Gleb Garanich/Reuters
The United States Embassy in Kyiv issued an urgent warning on Wednesday morning that Russia might launch “a significant air attack,” closing the embassy and telling employees to shelter in place.
Air-raid alerts are a daily fact of life in Ukraine and the capital often comes under drone and missile attacks, but the embassy rarely issues such a specific alert or shuts down.
The warning came one day after Ukraine’s military used American-made ballistic missiles to strike into Russian territory for the first time, after receiving long-sought authorization from President Biden to do so. The Kremlin had long warned that such strikes would be treated as an escalation, and on Tuesday vowed to respond.
“We will be taking this as a qualitatively new phase of the Western war against Russia,” Russia’s foreign minister, Sergei V. Lavrov, said at a news conference on Tuesday. “And we will react accordingly.”
In its message on Wednesday, the U.S. Embassy said it had “received specific information” about a potential attack, but did not offer details. It urged Americans to pay special attention to air-raid alerts.
Russia has launched a number of deadly strikes on Ukraine this week, including an hourslong nationwide assault on Sunday that killed at least nine people. A rocket strike later that day on a residential building in the city of Sumy, near the Russian border, killed 10 people. Then an attack in the port city of Odesa killed 10 more people, and another on Monday night in the Sumy region killed 11. Scores were injured in the attacks.
Overnight and into Wednesday morning, air-raid alerts warned of incoming attack drones for most of the country. Ukraine’s air force said that it had destroyed 56 drones before noon.
One explosion rang out in Kyiv just before 8 a.m. when air-defense teams intercepted a drone, according to Ukrainian officials, who said falling debris had started a fire at a multistory residential building. There was no immediate information on casualties.
Such drone attacks have become increasingly common in recent weeks. During 1,000 days of war, Russia has targeted the capital with more than 2,500 missiles and drones, according to data collected by the city’s military administration. Around half of the attacks took place this year.
The United States Embassy in Kyiv.Credit...Lynsey Addario for The New York Times
Since the war began, there have been about 1,370 alerts in Kyiv, according to city officials. Those have lasted more than 1,550 hours in total — meaning that if residents spent every hour of every alert in a shelter, they would have spent more than two months in bunkers.
Many people seek shelter in subways, basements and underground facilities like parking garages when the air-raid warnings wail.
But there is often little warning when ballistic missiles, which travel at several times the speed of sound, are fired at the capital. The time between launch and impact can be minutes.
And many large-scale Russian attacks — like the one on Sunday, which targeted Ukraine’s power grid — feature a combination of drones, cruises and ballistic missiles aimed to overwhelm Ukrainian air defenses.
Both Moscow and Kyiv appear to be stepping up their attacks ahead of President-elect Donald J. Trump’s inauguration in January.
Mr. Trump has said he wants to bring a swift end to the war in Ukraine but has not said how, leading to speculation over whether he will maintain the same level of robust military support provided to Ukraine under the Biden administration.
President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine has said he believes that the only way to force Moscow into peace negotiations is by showing strength and shoring up Ukraine’s position on the battlefield — with the help of its allies. He drove that point home again in an interview with Fox News that was broadcast Tuesday evening.
As long as Europe, the United States and the people of Ukraine remain united, he said, they could force President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia to accept a just and lasting peace.
“Putin is weaker than the United States of America,” Mr. Zelensky said. And Mr. Trump, he added, “is much stronger than Putin.”
President Biden’s decision to allow the Ukrainians to use the American-made ballistic missiles to strike inside Russia was a major change in U.S. policy — just two months before Mr. Trump heads to the White House.
Ukraine had been pleading for permission to use them for months, saying it needed longer-range capabilities to hit the Russian war machine. The weapon, known as the Army Tactical Missile System, or ATACMS, can reach further into Russia than any other Ukrainian missile.
But Ukraine has also been developing its own long-range weapons. Mr. Zelensky said on Tuesday that the country would produce at least 30,000 long-range drones next year.
On Wednesday, Ukraine’s military said it had used drones to target military installations in several regions of Russia overnight, including in the Novgorod region near the village of Kotovo, more than 400 miles from the Ukrainian border.
Russia’s Ministry of Defense said it had shot down 44 Ukrainian drones overnight, including 20 over the Novgorod region. Neither side’s claims could be independently verified.
As Trump Pushes Peace, Russia Intensifies Assaults on Ukraine
Overextended and exhausted, Ukrainian forces lack manpower and artillery against Russian forces willing to absorb staggering casualties.
An artillery unit of the Ukrainian military’s 68th Jaeger Brigade fires a howitzer at Russian positions outside a town in Donbas in October.Credit.
A small band of Ukrainian soldiers was trapped. They were holding the line on the battlefield, but Russian forces had managed to creep in behind their trench and encircle them.
“Even if the position holds, supplies — ammunition, provisions — eventually run out,” Capt. Viacheslav, the 30-year-old commander of an elite drone unit, said last week as he monitored events from an outpost a few miles away in eastern Ukraine. “Any vehicle attempting to reach these positions will be ambushed.”
“We are always getting stuck in these kinds of tough situations,” he said.
As the war in Ukraine enters its fourth winter and the first snowfall blankets cratered fields strewed with bodies, the situations are only growing tougher for Ukrainian forces.
Paramedics from the 110th Separate Mechanized Brigade working to stabilize wounded soldiers from the front line, outside Kurakove in October.
Gen. Oleksandr Syrsky, Ukraine’s top military commander, recently said his forces were fighting to hold back “one of the most powerful Russian offensives from launching a full-scale invasion.”
Ukraine got a boost on Sunday when the United States, after months of pressure from Kyiv, said it had granted permission for Ukraine to use American-provided weapons to fire deeper into Russia. On Tuesday, they used American-made ballistic missiles, called ATACMS (for Army Tactical Missile System), in an attack on a munitions depot in Russia.
But the election of Donald J. Trump to the American presidency this month injected an extra dose of uncertainty over the fate of the Ukrainian war effort.
While questions over whether the United States would continue to provide robust military support to Ukraine have resulted in a frenzy of diplomatic activity around the world, nowhere will those decisions be felt more acutely than on the front lines, where beleaguered Ukrainian troops are engaged in a fierce and bloody defense of their land.
Outnumbered by more than six to one along some stretches of the front, soldiers and commanders say they are hindered by a lack of combat infantry after years of heavy fighting and, just as important, by a shortage of experienced platoon and company commanders to lead untested recruits into battle. That has led to a fraying of Ukraine’s lines that has allowed Russia to make its largest gains since the first weeks of the war.
“Brigades that have been fighting for a long time are simply worn out,” Captain Viacheslav said, echoing concerns voiced by more than a dozen commanders and soldiers interviewed along the front last week.
An infantry soldier at a frontline position outside Toretsk, in Donetsk.
The soldiers, identified only by their first names in accordance with military protocol, said they were speaking publicly about problems in the hopes of driving home the urgency of the moment to the military and civilian leadership as well as the public.
“We’re stretched thin,” Captain Viacheslav said. “People need to step up and serve. There’s no other way.”
As well as being short of personnel, Ukraine lacks the medium- and long-range weapons needed to conduct a consistent and effective campaign aimed at Russian logistics, command and control centers and other key targets.
More than a dozen Ukrainian soldiers on the front noted a marked decrease in artillery fire from their side in recent weeks, including the U.S.-made multiple rocket launching system known as HIMARS.
“HIMARS — I barely hear them at all anymore. They’re almost nonexistent,” said Sgt. Maj. Dmytro, a 33-year-old drone operator and company leader. “If we had more munitions, it could compensate for the lack of people.”
Given the shortage of artillery, drones now account for 80 percent or more of enemy losses along much of the front, commanders said.
That has made the drone operators prized targets. “It’s a constant struggle for survival — every day is a question of luck,” Sergeant Major Dmytro said.
A Ukrainian soldier from the 38th Separate Marine Brigade carrying a shell to a field gun being fired at the advancing Russian Army on Saturday.
A veteran drone pilot and platoon leader, Sgt, Maj. Vasyl, said the Russians were even dropping thousand-pound guided bombs to try to take out small drone teams, with one falling just a few hundred feet from his position last week.
“If they detect a drone operator, everything is thrown at us,” he said.
But drones alone, soldiers said, will not stabilize defensive lines.
“Nothing can replace infantry,” Captain Viacheslav said, adding that drones “cannot realistically stop the enemy.”
Russian forces are concentrating much of their efforts on capturing the last Ukrainian stronghold in the southern Donetsk region, Kurakhove, and opening a path to attack the strategic city of Pokrovsk from the south.
At the moment, Russia is still a long way from achieving the Kremlin’s aims of seizing Ukraine’s two most easternmost regions, Luhansk and Donetsk.
An artillery unit of the 68th Jaeger Brigade fires near Selydove, Donbas.
Despite their struggles, Ukrainian forces continue to make the Russians pay a high price for every advance, using their fleet of drones to slow the Russian onslaught.
“Our pilots and everyone working here knows that if we don’t stop them while they’re advancing, they’ll reach our positions 100 percent, and a gunfight will begin,” said Sergeant Major Vasyl. “It’s relentless: 24/7.”
He said he had taken part in some of the deadliest battles of the war but that the intensity of the Russian assaults in the southern Donbas was unlike anything he had witnessed.
“Once, they dropped off 30 infantry soldiers from an armored personnel carrier, and we took them all out in one spot,” Sergeant Major Vasyl said. “Another A.P.C. came in immediately after and unloaded 30 more soldiers. We lost count of how many times they sent more troops to the same spot. In half a day of fighting, the Russians lost more than 200 men.”
“In another six-hour clash,” he added, “we recorded a record 132 infantry killed.”
“These are staggering numbers,” Captain Viacheslav said.
But at the end of each engagement, the Russians took the land.
“If they’re willing to lose that many men just to advance, I’m not sure what could stop them,” he said.
A soldier from the 38th Separate Marine Brigade moving branches to hide a field gun after firing at the Russian Army near Pokrovsk on Saturday.
His claims of Russian fatalities could not be independently verified.
Ukraine does not provide casualty figures, but soldiers say they also suffer grievous losses in each clash. Russian drone pilots attack them with the same ferocity with which the Ukrainians attack the Russians. The relentless attempts by Russia to storm Ukrainian trenches lead to deadly close-quarter combat that can favor the larger attacking side. And Russia has used its advantage in the air to pound Ukrainian fortifications with powerful guided bombs.
The Ukrainian soldiers shared drone video documenting the recent battles and allowed The New York Times to watch live video being streamed from the front at a command post a few miles away. Drone pilots targeted one group of Russian soldiers one after another, hour after hour.
While it was not possible to verify the precise death tolls, the scores of lifeless Russian soldiers scattered across fields, tree lines and roadsides offered a gruesome window into the extraordinary violence playing out across hundreds of miles of the front every day.
Ukrainian soldiers said the best way to stop the Russian advances was not by engaging in head-on clashes — which would always favor the larger Russian forces — but by weakening the enemy’s combat capabilities.
The lack of artillery compromises that effort. With no signs of the Russian offensive easing, Ukraine is racing to fortify defensive lines across the front. Tree lines are being cut down to limit places the Russians can hide. Tank traps are being dug deep into the ground. New trenches branch off from roadsides in all directions. And fertile fields are lined by concrete dragon’s teeth and seeded with mines.
But troops are still needed fill the trenches.
The 38th Separate Marine Brigade, with a self-propelled howitzer, is fighting to hold back the Russian Army as it tries to occupy Pokrovsk and just to the east, Myrnohrad.
Brigades normally charged with controlling a five-kilometer stretch of land are sometimes asked to hold a line two or three times as long, soldiers said.
When reinforcements are added, they lack combat experience, and each passing month, as Ukrainian losses mount, there are fewer battle-hardened veterans to help guide them.
Effective communication has also become an issue for Ukraine. When units from different brigades are dispatched to help fill gaps along the front, it can lead to a breakdown.
Junior Sgt. Denys, a drone operator working around Kurakhove, described an example of the problem.
When he detects enemy movement using a thermal imager, he only sees a heat signature.
“I don’t see the uniform and insignia,” he said.
To be sure he is not targeting friendly forces, he asks his commander if they have any troops in the area. But his commander needs to reach out to another battalion commander who in turn has to ask yet another.
“It takes time for this information to get back,” he said.
Time, however, is not a luxury soldiers under assault can afford.
Ukrainian soldiers riding in the bed of a pickup truck in Andriivka, Ukraine, in early November.
Kremlin says 'absurd' to suggest Russia involved in Baltic Sea cable damage
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MOSCOW/STOCKHOLM (Reuters) - Russia dismissed as "absurd" on Wednesday any suggestion that it had been involved in damage caused at the weekend to two fibre-optic data telecommunication cables in the Baltic Sea.
European governments accused Russia on Tuesday of escalating hybrid attacks on Ukraine's Western allies, days after one data cable running between Finland and Germany and one running between Sweden and Lithuania were cut.
European officials stopped short of directly accusing Russia of destroying the cables but Germany, Poland and others said it was likely an act of sabotage.
Asked about the matter on Wednesday, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told a regular news briefing: "It is quite absurd to continue to blame Russia for everything without any reason."
"It is probably laughable against the background of the lack of any reaction to Ukraine's sabotage activities in the Baltic Sea," he said, referring to Nord Stream gas pipe explosions in September 2022, blamed by Moscow on Kyiv and Western countries.
In the latest incident, one cable went out of service on Sunday morning, the other less than 24 hours later on Monday. The breaches happened in Sweden's exclusive economic zone and Swedish prosecutors started a preliminary investigation on Tuesday on suspicion of possible sabotage.
Swedish Civil Defence Minister Carl-Oskar Bohlin told Reuters on Tuesday that the country's armed forces and coastguard had picked up ship movements that corresponded with the interruption of two telecoms cables in the Baltic Sea.
The Swedish navy is helping police and prosecutors in the investigation, a naval spokesman said on Wednesday, deploying vessels to the more southerly of the two sites to film and document an operation that is likely to take a few days.
Цитата:
Undersea Cables Cut In The Baltic, A Perfect Target For Hybrid Warfare
Two undersea communication cables were severed in the Baltic Sea this weekend, prompting Germany's defense minister to say that “no one believes" it was an accident. Many suspect a new escalation of hybrid warfare in a sea where Russia is the only country not part of NATO.
PARIS — You regularly hear references to the concept of hybrid warfare, meaning the idea that an act of war can take multiple forms, not just the use of weapons. We may have an example of this in the Baltic Sea, and it is particularly concerning.
Two undersea fiber optic cables ensuring internet communications — one between Sweden and Lithuania, the other between Finland and Germany — were cut within hours of each other, on Sunday and Monday. It takes at least two weeks to repair these cuts in the open sea.
“No one believes that these cables were cut by accident,” German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius said. Although, at this stage, there is no formal evidence of sabotage.
Finland and Germany's foreign ministers went even further, jointly stating that Europe's security is not only threatened by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine but also by “hybrid warfare by malicious actors.”
Brewing speculation
Undersea cable accidents are possible: a ship's anchor dragging a piece of cable, or, as happened in Asia a few years ago, an underwater earthquake causing damage. But two cables cut within hours of each other leave little doubt that these events weren’t related.
Speculation is swift. A Chinese cargo ship, the Yi Peng 3, was spotted in the area and even tracked for a while by a Danish Navy vessel. It had just anchored in a Russian port and was heading toward Egypt. Last year, another Chinese cargo ship had damaged a gas pipeline between Finland and Estonia, though it was unclear whether it was deliberate.
Similarly, a connection has been made to the announcement: The day before these incidents, a Russian spy ship, the Yantar, was present in the Irish exclusive economic zone, near the undersea cables connecting Ireland to the United Kingdom. A ship from the Irish fleet escorted it out of the area, while the French, British and U.S. navies monitored its movements.
This forms a body of suspicion, not evidence. And caution remains necessary, especially when remembering the speculation surrounding the sabotage of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline in the Baltic Sea two years ago. Attributing sabotage is particularly difficult.
Nord Stream Pipeline Leaking Into Baltic Sea after an explosion in September 2022
A specific context
The geopolitical context is, of course, very specific. The Baltic has virtually become a "NATO sea" with Sweden and Finland's decision to join the Atlantic alliance after Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Russia is the only Baltic neighbor that is not a member.
Critical infrastructures such as undersea cables have become prime targets in these theorized hybrid wars. These cables, which cross all seas and oceans, have become vital for running modern economies, as well as defense systems.
If it is confirmed that these two cables were sabotaged by a hostile power, it will be another escalation in a fractured world — and surely not the last.
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Long Tied to Russia, Georgia’s Winemakers Tip a Glass to the West
Some vintners in the former Soviet republic are seeking to break a politically risky dependence on Russia and focus more on high-value European and American markets.
It was another abundant and busy harvest in the vineyards of Kakheti, the Republic of Georgia’s famed wine-producing region.
With the green ridges of the Caucasus basking in the sun before him, Levan Eloshvili prepared to drive his rusty Soviet-designed truck with a load of grapes to a sprawling factory nearby. There it will be turned into wine, some of it to be sold to Russia.
At a small winery a few miles away, Kakha Tchotiashvili stirred a fermenting juice of crushed grapes and their skins in traditional clay pots to produce refined reds and oranges destined for trendy restaurants and wine bars in Europe and the United States.
The scenes reflected the two approaches to the future of Georgian winemaking that are being debated across Kakheti and other winemaking regions in the former Soviet republic. Should they be focusing on Russia or the West?
The situation in Kakheti and other wine-producing regions of Georgia reflects a country long torn between great power interests. Many people, particularly younger ones and those living in big cities, want to forge closer ties with Europe, where they see their political future. Others believe it is important to maintain economic stability and therefore stay close to Russia.
The fortunes of Georgia’s winemakers have long been tied to Russia, their biggest market, and one that has grown since sanctions linked to the war in Ukraine cut off a flow of Italian and French wines.
Now many winemakers say it’s time to break that dependence, which comes with considerable political risk, and focus more on European and American markets.
Giorgi Dakishvili was among the first to bottle amber-colored wines made in qvevri in the early 2000s.
Qvevri, amphora clay pots buried in the ground, act as natural thermoses for fermentation, storage and aging.
Mr. Tchotiashvili, for one, sees a bright future for Georgian winemakers if they can break away from Russia and move up the value chain by selling carefully crafted wines in the West. While big winemakers are likely to remain dependent on the Russian market, he said there are benefits to staying small and earning more per bottle in Europe and the United States.
He said he and his team proudly signed the labels of each of the 50,000 bottles they produce in a typical year. “We are not simply selling wine, we are selling our culture,” Mr. Tchotiashvili said as he poured a glass of Chitistvala, an amber-colored dry wine, in his tasting hall. (With notes of pineapple, it was delicate and delicious.) “We don’t have oil in Georgia, but we have wine,” he joked.
For the most part, the wines sold to Russia are sweeter and cheaper varieties sold in bulk that might go for a few dollars per bottle in a supermarket, a fraction of prices in boutique wine shops in the West.
“A good direction is getting away from the Russian market” and looking for more profitable outlets, said Tina Kezeli, the head of Georgia’s wine association.
That is partly because, she said, the Russian market “has always been very political,” including a ban on Georgian wines by Moscow after a dispute between the two countries in the 2000s. In Russia, she said, “everything is used as a tool: Either you behave or we close the market.”
Following Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, some Georgian winemakers refused to sell to Russia. But others increased their shares of the Russian market.
Levan Eloshvili getting his Soviet-designed truck loaded with a load of grapes.
Wine is highly wrapped up in the country’s identity. It often appears as if every Georgian is a winemaker.
The gains were mostly enjoyed by the country’s big wine companies, like Badagoni, that sell a lot of cheaper bottles. But even high-end producers saw an opportunity, and pricey Georgian wines also appear on tables at expensive restaurants in Moscow.
So far this year, almost 70 percent of Georgia’s production, worth more than $214 million, has been exported to Russia, according to Georgian state statistics, an increase of more than 54 percent from a similar period in 2021, before the war.
For many Georgians the debate over the future of the wine industry is intensely personal.
Wine has been cultivated continuously in Georgia for more than 8,000 years and is highly wrapped up in the country’s identity. It often appears as if every Georgian is a winemaker, and many homes have marani, or traditional wine cellars.
One of the nation’s main Christian relics is a grapevine cross. Toastmaking and elaborate feasts with copious amounts of wine are part of the fabric of life in Georgia.
In the country’s villages, visitors cannot walk into a house without being invited to inspect its marani and taste wine from qvevri — clay pots buried in the ground that act as natural thermoses for fermentation, storage and aging.
When Georgia was part of the Soviet Union, individual winemaking was prohibited, though many Georgians still produced wine in their cellars, mainly for personal use. Wine manufactured at Soviet factories was typically of low quality and usually sweet. (Legends still abound across the former Soviet Union that the semisweet Khvanchkara variety was nonetheless a favorite of Stalin, who was from Georgia.)
“A lot of wine just wasn’t very good,” said Robert Joseph, a British wine critic who first visited Georgia in 1988.
he Kakheti region east of the capital Tbilisi is abundant in monasteries and castles, as well as fertile grape microzones.
Zurab Mgvdiashvili, owner of Nikalas Marani, a company that specializes in natural wines, said he refused to sell wine to the Russian market.
Over the past two decades, Mr. Joseph said he witnessed a major transformation of the Georgian wine industry. While the industrial production of cheap wines surged, enthusiasts using traditional methods began making smaller quantities of higher quality wine mostly sold in the West.
Giorgi Dakishvili was one of the pioneers of the latter group. Born to a family of winemakers — his father supervised the production of Saperavi, the preferred red of Soviet elites — Mr. Dakishviili was among the first to bottle traditional amber-colored wines made in qvevri in the early 2000s. At first, he said, he had to include a leaflet explaining that the wines were meant to be that color when he sold to restaurants in Tbilisi.
Today his wines are mainly sold in boutiques in Britain, Japan and the United States, as well as in small amounts in Russia.
“The Russian market is an easy market because our wines are well-known and winemakers don’t need to invest money to increase awareness,” Mr. Dakishvili said. “At the same time it is very unstable for political reasons.”
In 2006, following a deterioration in relations between the Kremlin and a new pro-Western government in Tbilisi, Russia banned imports of Georgian wine. The ban lasted seven years, forcing many wineries in Kakheti into bankruptcy. But others were motivated to innovate and seek out other markets.
A worker at the Mildiani Family Winery in Telavi, in Georgia’s Kakheti region.
The Mildiani factory in Telavi. The company can send tens of thousands of bottles to Russia in a single batch.
“I want to thank the Russian embargo because without these terrible times we would need much more time to achieve the current situation,” Mr. Dakishvili said. “But it would also be absolutely un-pragmatic to stop commercial communications with Russia.”
Zurab Mgvdiashvili, the owner of Nikalas Marani, a company that specializes in natural wines — which use grapes farmed without the use of chemicals and are made with minimal manipulations and additions — in his village of Kardakhi in eastern Kakheti, said he refused to sell wine to the Russian market.
“I just don’t like Russia,” said Mr. Mgvdiashvili, who is also the head of Georgia’s Natural Wine Association. “I would think whether to continue as a winemaker or sell to Russia.”
The production capabilities of the small winemakers pale in comparison to the industrial-scale ones serving Russia.
Mr. Mgvdiashvili produces 10,000 bottles of natural wine a year, much of it sold in New York. By comparison, Mildiani, a major Georgian wine factory, can send tens of thousands of bottles to Russia in a single batch.
While Mr. Mgvdiashvili’s wines cost around $18 at his winery, Russian retail chains buy mass-produced Georgian wines at around $2.10 per bottle.
Mr. Joseph, the wine critic, has been working with Vladimer Kublashvili, chief winemaker at Khareba, the biggest estate winery in Georgia, on a project to create a high-quality wine that they hope can also be sold in large quantities in the West.
“As a responsible wine producer, we are always trying to reach other wine markets around the world,” said Mr. Kublashvili.
There are more than 500 indigenous grape varieties in Georgia, though only about 25 are commercially used.
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С сожалением и понятными ожиданиями, Dimitriy.
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10 сентября – Всемирный день психического здоровья. Специально к этой дате компания HINT опросила коллег в сфере маркетинга, рекламы и пиара, чтобы понять, как представители этих профессий могут помочь себе и другим поддержать в норме психическое здоровье.
Как не ошибиться с выбором формата обучения и предстать перед будущим работодателем успешным специалистом. Директор по маркетингу ведущего IT-холдинга Fplus Ирина Васильева рассказала, на что теперь смотрят работодатели при приеме на работу, как нестандартно можно развиваться в профессии и стоит ли действующим маркетологам обучаться на онлайн-курсах.
Эксперты ЮKassa (сервис для приёма онлайн- и офлайн-платежей финтех-компании ЮMoney) и RetailCRM (решение для управления заказами и клиентскими данными) провели исследование* и выяснили, почему пользователи не завершают покупки в интернет-магазинах. По данным опроса, две трети респондентов хотя бы раз оставляли заказы незавершёнными, чаще всего это электроника и бытовая техника, одежда и товары для ремонта. Вернуться к брошенным корзинам многих мотивируют скидки, кэшбэк и промокоды.
Чего не хватает радио, чтобы увеличить свою долю на рекламном рынке? Аудиопиратство: угроза или возможности для отрасли? Каковы первые результаты общероссийской кампании по продвижению индустриального радиоплеера? Эти и другие вопросы были рассмотрены на конференции «Радио в глобальной медиаконкуренции», спикерами и участниками которой стали эксперты ГПМ Радио.
Деловая программа 28-й международной специализированной выставки технологий и услуг для производителей и заказчиков рекламы «Реклама-2021» открылась десятым юбилейным форумом «Матрица рекламы». Его организовали КВК «Империя» и «Экспоцентр».
28 марта в Центральном доме художника состоялась 25-ая выставка маркетинговых коммуникаций «Дизайн и реклама NEXT». Одним из самых ярких её событий стал День социальной рекламы, который организовала Ассоциация директоров по коммуникациям и корпоративным медиа России (АКМР) совместно с АНО «Лаборатория социальной рекламы» и оргкомитетом LIME.
На VII Международном форуме «Матрица рекламы», прошедшем в ЦВК «Экспоцентр» в рамках международной выставки «Реклама-2018», большой интерес у профессиональной аудитории вызвала VI Конференция «Интернет-реклама».
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